7.12.15

BJP Analysis: 10 Reasons Why It Lost in Bihar

Manish Kumar / ndtv
Post-election analysis shows, say BJP leaders that the Grand Alliance of Nitish Kumar, Lalu Yadav and the Congress mapped social and caste factors more effectively in their selection of candidates for the 243 assembly seats in Bihar. The BJP tied up with regional players with backward caste support like Jitan Ram Manjhi to supplement its traditional upper caste vote-base, but polled 10 lakh fewer votes than last time.

While the Grand Alliance, as expected, consolidated the Yadav, Muslim and Kurmi votes with the coming together of Lalu and Nitish, the BJP was surprised that its regional partners Hindustani Awam Morcha, Lok Janshakti Party and Rashtriya Lok Samta Party could not manage to hold their respective traditional vote bases among the backward castes, who had voted for the NDA en mass only last year in the national election. more

Failing to read Bihar

Jyoti Punwani / Hoot
Despite a feast of rich reportage and comment in the English press, what remained in mind was that Lalu was bad, Nitish was good but doomed, and the BJP had the perfect combination of caste and vikas. Some doubts began to be raised in this narrative after voting began, but not enough. The results were therefore a complete surprise to readers. more

26.11.15

Bihar spooks brewers with alcohol ban talk

Bihar sent shares in breweries and liquor firms down as much as 10 percent on Thursday after the country's third-most populous state said it was considering a ban on alcohol, prompting concerns that others could follow.

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Alcohol has been traditionally frowned upon in India for religious and cultural reasons, but a growing middle class has made the country a booming market for drinks makers, and only a handful of districts and states have an outright ban, including Gujarat, Modi's home state. The southern state of Kerala is introducing limits on alcohol sales.

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"More than the obvious financial impact, this is a directional negative if rest of the state governments emulate Bihar and Kerala, in our view," analysts at brokerage house Motilal Oswal said. more

Nitish will have problems enforcing the ban

Pyaralal Raghavan / ToI
Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar has made a bold move by announcing a ban on liquor in the state from April next year to fulfil the promise made to the electorate before the elections. This is a major reversal of the liquor policy that his government had implemented in the earlier years which saw a substantial expansion of liquor shops.

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The major challenge before the Bihar chief minister is not the loss of revenue from the liquor ban but the problems associated with enforcing the ban. Given the popularity that liquor has gained in recent years it would be difficult to wean away the habitual drinkers without accompanying efforts to spread the message of temperance through social and religious organisations. This is all the more so because the law and order machinery in Bihar is far too inadequate to police the state and restrain any growth in production and sale of illicit liquor which is bound to happen as soon as the ban sets in.

Most recent numbers on the availability of police personal in the states for 2012 show that there were only 67 policemen for every lakh people in Bihar which is clearly insufficient given that other states like Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand had a much higher ratio of 162, 174 and 178 respectively. The ratio of policemen to population even in neighbouring Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal were at a higher 89 and 98 respectively.

So the big question now is how the Bihar chief minister can implement the liquor ban given the insufficient law and order machinery and the rickety bureaucracy in the state even if he manages to find tap new resources to make for the loss of excise duty revenues from liquor which is only a minor part of his total revenues. more

14.11.15

Egg on NDTV's face

Nalin Mehta / ET
For calling the election wrong, NDTV, a pioneer in India's psephological and election result coverage, the channel has already apologised. It is a cruel reminder of how fickle a mistress live TV can be even though NDTV was right that pollsters all over the world sometimes get it wrong. 

As they did in Britain where the British Polling Council ordered an independent enquiry into how no poll could predict David Cameron's victory earlier this year. Or how no Israeli poll predicted Benjamin Netanyahu's latest poll victory. Or how the Greeks and Turks recently got their election 'results' wrong as well. 

But NDTV's big blooper was not that their exit poll was wrong. It was that it called the counting trend wrong. The channel blames "incorrect" data. The News Broadcast Standards Authority has reportedly Nielsen, the agency that supplies a common feed to all subscriber news channels, for an explanation. The fact is that whatever the data may have been, calling the election so early in the morning, when only postal ballots are counted first, is inexplicable. more

Bihar: what happened and why

Surjit S Bhalla / IE
The next time BJP officials say they lost big just because of electoral arithmetic, tell them that argument has as much credibility as the discredited notion of the BJP losing because of caste-based voting. The BJP lost big because of their divisive campaign, whose purpose was to instil fear among those not preordained to vote for them. It was a lousy political campaign and the BJP, Narendra Modi and Amit Shah ignore this reality at their present (and future) peril. more

The anguish and anxiety of the Upper Caste

Ajaz Ashraf / scroll
The one untold story of the Bihar election is that the anguish arising from nostalgia for the past and the anxieties about the future drive the Upper Caste to rally behind the Bharatiya Janata Party. Lacking the numbers to counter the assertion of Other Backward Classes and still perceived as exploiters to have lower castes band with them, the Upper Caste is unmindful of electoral strategies such as religious polarisation, hate rhetoric and fictionalisation of history to stoke caste pride (claiming that emperor Ashoka was a Kushwaha is an example) for creating a governing majority for themselves. more

BJP doesn't know who to blame

Charu Kartikeya / catch
Even as observers are busy identifying the many fathers of the Grand Alliance's victory in Bihar polls, Bharatiya Janata Party is trying its best to leave its defeat an orphan. more

13.11.15

Economic Expansion: Nitish’s Next Challenge in Bihar

Tina Edwin / Quint
Bihar needs to grow like China did (until recently), but not by building ghost cities and sweat shops. The state has the lowest per capita income and the size of its economy is still very small. In this context, the 9.3% compounded average growth rate (CAGR) of the previous 10 years is too little for a state where over 40% of the population still lives below the poverty line. The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MOSPI) data show that state’s economy was the 14th largest in the country in 2014-15, moving up by just one notch from the 15th position it occupied in 2004-05 when Nitish Kumar first assumed office as the chief minister.

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Bihar could reap demographic dividend with increased focus on education and skill development, for both boys and girls. Nitish and his allies should use the massive mandate they got in the recent Assembly election to change the face of the state with a model of development that is based on inclusion and meritocracy. He owes it to the people who voted for him. more

Modi's Bihar loss a triumph for secular India

Murtaza Haider / Dawn ANN
Here, the real questions to ask are:

What made the Bihari electorate say no to the BJP's divisive communal politics?

Were there any differences in the economic models presented by the incumbent chief minister of Bihar, Nitish Kumar, and the one offered by the BJP?

Is there any truth to the claim that the economic gains and prosperity in Gujarat were a result of Mr Modi's leadership as its former chief minister?

Has Gujarat under Mr Modi developed at a faster rate than Bihar did under Mr Kumar?

I turned to reports that compared the relative growth rates between Gujarat and other states to seek answers to these questions.

Many Indian political analysts believe Mr Modi's economic model is that of crony capitalism where business conglomerates, closely aligned with the government, disproportionately benefit from economic growth.

They think that Mr Modi's brand of economics is exclusive, big business, capital intensive, social sector neglect and hence, without experience of the welfare state by the people.

The upper classes under such regimes generate undue profits and support the regime in return because the regime promotes wealth generation, while ignoring its distributional responsibilities. more

12.11.15

The Bihar blowback

Imtiaz Alam / The News
With Pakistan the Modi government’s relations are expected to remain quite bumpy, even though he may at some point of time find it tempting to go for a quid pro quo over terrorism by state and non-state actors that the two sides accuse each other of committing. Moreover, the Indian big business that Modi represents is very keen to improve relations with Pakistan. 

Lastly, it is quite amusing to find Pakistanis overwhelmingly sympathising with the secular forces of India as opposed to Hindu fundamentalists seeking an exclusivist majoritarian Hindu polity, as if they (these Pakistanis) also desire secularism in a majoritarian Muslim Pakistan. There could not be a better development than this in the last 66 years of a divided Subcontinent if there is a convergence of minds among the people of India and Pakistan over secularism. The defeat of religious extremism in both countries could provide a solid basis for peace and harmony in the Subcontinent. more

Dusty Bihar exposes Modi’s feet of clay

The eastern state of Bihar has a population close in size to that of the Philippines: elections to its assembly matter greatly to its more than 100m, largely poor inhabitants. But the latest one mattered to Narendra Modi, the prime minister in Delhi, chiefly because of its importance in his quest to recast national politics to his advantage. And so the thrashing in Bihar of his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), at the hands of two Bihar political heavyweights who buried past enmities to oppose Mr Modi, represents the biggest setback in his political career.

Victory in Bihar would have sent, through indirect election, friendly faces to the national Parliament’s upper house—which, unlike the lower one, Mr Modi does not dominate. That would have helped him more easily push through bills aimed at fulfilling his pledge of economic reform. But more importantly, he and his electoral henchman, Amit Shah, the BJP’s president, intended Bihar to be a template for the party to spread beyond its strongholds in western and central India to become a truly national movement.

Other state elections loom, including in West Bengal in the east and Assam in the north-east, Uttar Pradesh (the most populous state) in the north and Kerala in the south. Do well in those, and by the end of 2017 the BJP would be well placed to gear itself for a general election two years later that could establish an almost presidential Modi rule. To give a measure of the importance Mr Modi placed in Bihar, he attended 30-odd election rallies in the state—extraordinary for a prime minister who presumably has much else to do.

Yet since the Bihar results on November 8th all longer-term calculations are moot—even whether Mr Modi will prove more than a one-term prime minister. The BJP ran against a “grand alliance” led by the state’s incumbent chief minister, Nitish Kumar (pictured, next page), with a record of boosting growth and cutting poverty, and “Lalu” Prasad Yadav, whose corrupt and lawless tenure as chief minister in the 1990s came to be known as the “jungle raj” but who calls on large numbers of followers; the alliance seized more than three times as many seats in the state assembly as did the BJP (see chart).


In the general election in 2014 Mr Modi swept to a landslide victory with an aspirational message that highlighted growth and jobs. In Bihar he and Mr Shah are to blame for the ugliest and most socially divisive state election in memory. Caste is a critical fact of life—and politics—in Bihar, a state that is still nine-tenths rural. The grand alliance bolted together a coalition of the state’s middle- and lower-tier castes. The BJP tried to even the game by tying its traditional core from the upper castes to a cluster of small parties representing Dalits, the lowest of the castes.

But at a crucial moment the leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu-nationalist outfit that is seen as the BJP’s ideological parent, said India’s whole system of awarding benefits to lower castes was being abused for political ends and ought to be reviewed. That spread alarm among poorer groups. And then Mr Shah warned that a victory for the grand alliance would lead to celebrations in neighbouring Pakistan. His coded message to Hindu chauvinists was that, dangerously, the alliance was the party of Muslims, who make up 17% of Bihar’s population.

Attempting to pit the Hindu castes against Muslims—the BJP also made much of protecting the cow, sacred to many Hindus—was reprehensible. Fortunately, it did not lead to the kind of communal violence that has recently been ticking up elsewhere (and which BJP leaders have been slow to deplore when Muslims are the victims). Still, the results show that the BJP got punished for its crude tactics.

Back in Delhi, Mr Modi’s prestige is damaged. Party managers’ insistence on “collective” responsibility for the loss in Bihar is a charade. He and Mr Shah have run the party with an iron grip, laid down the electoral strategy and directly recruited RSS members as campaign foot-soldiers. Yet for the first time dissenters in the BJP—admittedly, none younger than 78—have spoken out. They said, in a jab at the overweening Mr Shah and his arrogation of authority, that the party had become “emasculated” over the last year. In private some of the prime minister’s advisers lament the trust he places in Mr Shah.

As for opposition parties, especially Congress, which the last general election annihilated as a national force, prospects look suddenly cheerier. Congress tagged along with the grand alliance in Bihar, and will want to do the same with dominant regional parties in other state elections. Such parties, meanwhile, have seen in Bihar the merits of ganging together to take on the BJP. But whether Congress is yet ready to learn the lessons of its national defeat is unclear. It suffers from a paucity of fresh ideas, venality on a grand scale, an underwhelming Gandhi/Nehru dynasty at whose pleasure the party serves, and an unwillingness to refresh its leadership.

Lacking an upper-house majority any time soon, Mr Modi needs to rethink tactics for his programme of economic modernisation. Later this month the Parliament will convene for its winter session. On the agenda is reform to bankruptcy laws to help banks recover loans; long-debated legislation to make it easier for companies to acquire land for plants; and the introduction of a nationwide goods-and-services tax that would do much to knit India’s economy together and raise revenues. Mr Modi ought now to reach out to the opposition in hopes of getting the agenda passed.

There is still much that he can do without legislation, his aides say. That includes easing rules to make it easier to do business, and pushing for infrastructure—roads, ports, utilities—that India badly needs. Only too aware of the need to reassure investors, this week the government announced sweeping liberalisations to the regime regulating foreign investment, including in sectors like retail, banking, construction, broadcasting and even defence. In theory the changes will make it possible for more foreign firms to get automatic approval for investment. And Apple will at last be able to open its own stores in India.

On November 11th Mr Modi climbed on a plane to London to convey an upbeat message. Though the government of David Cameron promised to grill Mr Modi on rising intolerance at home, both prime ministers will be happiest emphasising the trade and investment deals that are likely to emerge from the visit. Mr Modi, with the help of RSS workers, will also hope to whip up enthusiasm among an invitation-only crowd of 55,000 from the Indian diaspora at Wembley stadium. So long as he can count on their fervour—and overseas Indians have been crucial in underwriting his political rise—he may find a welcome distraction from the setback in Bihar. more

Bihar: Another triumph of the alternative

Ashish Talwar / ToI
After his resounding victory, Nitish Kumar has joined the company of Arvind Kejriwal, Pawan Kumar Chamling, Naveen Patnaik and K Chandrashekhar Rao. All five have two things in common, not only are they non-BJP/non-Congress chief ministers but more importantly, were elected post 9/13/13. An ominous sounding date but it was the day Narendra Modi was anointed by BJP as its prime ministerial candidate for 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Modi’s initial success in several states and the national election proved that his party had banked on the right leader especially since he took the Congress to its political nadir. more

Bihar polls: One cheer for democracy

Jug Suraiya / ToI
The sound drubbing that the BJP received in the Bihar polls – in which Narendra Modi campaigned with a vehement vigour that many felt was unbecoming of a prime minister – has shown that playing the communal card ensures not a winning but a losing hand.
So, one cheer for our secular democracy.

But the Bihar results reinforced the entrenchment of the other two harmful Cs in our polity: caste and corruption. more

Bihar’s political dynasties: 7 winners, 15 losers

Of 22 political dynasties that contested the recently concluded Bihar assembly elections, seven families won and 15 lost.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had fielded eight candidates from these 22 families, the Lok Janshakti Party (6), the Janta Dal (United) (5), the Rashtriya Janata Dal (3), the Hindustan Awami Morcha (3), the Samajwadi Party (1) and one independent. more

How Grand Alliance Turned Vote Share to Seats

All the constituents of the victorious Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) – the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the Janata Dal (United) and the Congress – managed to register a share-to-seat multiplier of more than 4 in the recently concluded assembly elections in Bihar.

The share-to-seat multiplier of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) dropped to 2 for the first time in 15 years in the Bihar assembly. more

'Who is Amit Shah?' BJP MP Attacks Party Chief

Bhola Singh, a BJP parliamentarian from Bihar, has slammed Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah for the party's massive defeat in the assembly elections in the state, saying Mr Shah must explain or step down.

"Who is Amit Shah? He and the PM are who they are because we entrusted them with all our power," said Mr Singh who, just two days ago, launched a blistering attack on the Prime Minister and other leaders, saying they made unseemly comments during campaigning in Bihar.

"Cancer has spread throughout the BJP, which has to be removed," Mr Singh added. more

11.11.15

Upper castes also supported Nitish, Lalu

Not just the Dalits, OBCs and Muslims, the upper castes too supported the Nitish-Lalu combine, with a majority of the upper caste candidates of the Grand Alliance winning the Bihar assembly elections.

This is contrary to common perception that the overwhelming upper castes supported and voted the BJP-led NDA in Bihar assembly polls.

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Lalu Prasad's RJD has fielded five upper caste candidates -- three won the polls and two were defeated. Congress fielded 16 upper caste candidates, of whom 12 won the polls.

Similarly JD-U fielded 18 upper caste candidates and majority of them won the polls.

According to Congress leaders here, 12 of the 27 Congress candidates elected to the Bihar assembly are upper castes.

BJP has fielded 69 upper caste candidates, but only 22 of them won the polls. Most of the upper caste candidates of BJP allies Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Rashtriya Lok Samta Party (RLSP), and Hindustani Awam Morch (HAM) were defeated. more

Bihar and beyond

A K Bhattacharya / BS
In the 2010 Assembly elections, the BJP contested 102 seats and had a vote share of around 16 per cent. This year, it contested more seats - 160. But the BJP's vote share increase kept pace as it rose to about 24 per cent. If its vote share has not declined significantly and its defeat is largely attributed to its failure in getting the arithmetic of alliance right, then why should the BJP's campaign managers worry about tweaking the party's electoral strategy in the coming polls? I nstead, it is likely to work more on getting its alliance arrangements in place so that there is no need to modify its poll campaign planks.

There is yet another factor that will be at play. The next Assembly polls are to be held in West Bengal, Assam, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. In none of these states, barring perhaps Assam, is the BJP likely to face a situation similar to the one it had to contend with in Bihar. That is because the BJP on its own is not yet a major force in these three states. In Assam, where the BJP has gained in presence in recent years, the Congress has already begun talks of a strategic alliance with other local parties to give the BJP a tough fight. But then these elections are to be held in April 2016. The BJP, therefore, could continue to experiment with its current campaigning strategy as the real losses would be marginal even if its strategy went wrong. more

9.11.15

The Way Forward for the BJP

Tufail Ahmad / indiafacts
The first lesson from the 2015 Bihar elections is this: in just two years the BJP has emerged as the only party with a nationwide character.

The second lesson from Bihar: by any definition, the electoral verdict is not for development or social justice, which usually is the plank of Left-of-the-centre parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal of Lalu Yadav and Janata Dal (United) of Nitish Kumar. It is not even arithmetic. The reason the BJP was comprehensively defeated in Bihar is because it has emerged as the largest party against which all other parties were allied, determined to defeat it. Throughout the course of election campaign, the BJP was attacked as if it was Bihar’s ruling party. This was also the case in Delhi elections last year. more

How Modi's Bihar defeat will hit reforms agenda

Milan Vaishnav / BBC
n the short run, Bihar is a significant setback for Mr Modi in three ways: it damages his prestige, complicates politics both inside and outside the ruling alliance, and makes parliament more of an obstacle. Over the longer term, however, one should not overstate the broader impact on Mr Modi's economic reform plans.

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Decisive defeats in successive state elections in Delhi and Bihar have resoundingly punctured the halo of invincibility that has surrounded Mr Modi and his trusted lieutenant, BJP president Amit Shah.

This loss of prestige, in turn, creates space for disgruntled voices within the party who are either underwhelmed by Mr Modi's governance or demoralised by Mr Modi and Mr Shah's iron grip on the party apparatus. The humbling rout in Bihar will give fresh oxygen to BJP dissenters. Beyond the ruling alliance, the election has two further political implications. more

बिहार में ये हुआ क्या?

Kalpesh Yagnik / Bhaskar
1- प्रश्न : यह क्या हो गया बिहार में?
उत्तर : बिहारियों ने सारे देश को दिखा दिया कि चुनाव कैसे लड़वाए जाते हैं।

2- प्रश्न : लड़वाए जाते हैं- या लड़े जाते हैं?
उत्तर- बिहारी मतदाता ने गज़ब का धैर्य और उत्साह दोनों दिखाया। प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद मोदी ने 30 के करीब चुनावी सभाएं लीं। ख़ासी भीड़ अौर जोश दिखा इनमें। जागरूक मतदाता उन्हें सुनकर मन बनाना चाहते थे। परिणाम देखेंगे तो पाएंगे इनमे से अधिकांश जगह भाजपा हार गई। ऐसा तो राहुल गांधी की उत्तर प्रदेश चुनाव की रैलियों के बाद हुआ था।

3- प्रश्न : भाजपा इतनी बुरी तरह क्यों हारी?
उत्तर : दाल। दलित। दादरी। दंभ। more

The return of Opposition

Neerja Chowdhury / ET
Bihar 2015 is about Nitish Kumar just as India 2014 was about Narendra Modi, his support cutting across communities, without which it would not have been possible for the Mahagathbandhan to win an impressive 179 seats. There was an undercurrent of sympathy visible for the Bihar CM. It was as if people wanted to make up for the defeat they had inflicted on him in 2014, given the immense goodwill they had for the CM, as they spoke of how he had built new roads, provided more bijli, given cycles to their girls to go to school and college, in what is a bottom-up model of development.

The success lay in the way the alliance converted arithmetic into chemistry. The credit for this goes to Lalu Prasad Yadav. Together, the JD(U), the RJD and the Congress had 45% of the vote in 2014. This is almost the voteshare they have polled in 2015. Not only did the former rivals Nitish and Lalu sew up the grand alliance, but the RJD chief agreed to Nitish being the chief ministerial candidate, with the distribution of tickets taking place amicably.

Most importantly, the allies were able to transfer their votebase to each other, and move in step — which they will have to continue to do in the coming days if they are to be a credible alternative. The Congress, which increased its seats six-fold, may be able to provide a cushion to the alliance. more

Modi, Shah, Jaitley responsible for debacle: Arun Shourie

Arun Shourie, a minister in the Vajpayee government, who is no longer with the party, accused Shah and Jaitley of fomenting a coalition against Modi by forcing the other opposition parties, which commanding over 69 per cent of vote, to get into an alliance.

He said that the BJP came to power at the height of Modi's popularity with merely 31 per cent votes. "It is Modi, the master strategist (Shah) and Jaitley," he said when asked who should be held responsible for the defeat. "There is no fourth person in the party or the government." more

More to Nitish win than caste math

Narayanan Madhavan / HT
There’s more to this than the failure of grand oratory.

Hindsight, they say, gives us 20-20 vision, but it is becoming clear that the Bihar elections in which chief minister Nitish Kumar won his third term in power for Janata Dal (United) in a grand alliance with Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Congress, had more than plain rustic appeal.

It might have been a shrewd combination of things beyond old-world kinship based on loyalties fashioned after Yadavs and their rival caste in Bihar, Kurmi, to which Kumar belongs.
Among the new factors could be social media and its natty use, the rise of women as an empowered political group in Bihar and development measures such as large-scale electrification in the backward state often cited as a hinterland steeped in darkness.

One secret sauce, it emerges, was a social media campaign handled by a team loaned by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Sitting across the Yamuna in UP, a team handled Twitter and Facebook campaigns for JD(U). more

Bihar beyond caste alliances

Sanjay Kumar / mint
The verdict of the Bihar assembly election is clearly a vote for development—not for what Prime Minister Narendra Modi promised, but for the work done by chief minister Nitish Kumar during his two terms in government.

The results should not be seen as merely the victory of caste alliances and electoral arithmetic crafted by Kumar’s Janata Dal (United), or JD(U), the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Congress. Even for a section of voters, who voted for the Grand Alliance (GA) on caste identity, it was backed by their firm belief that in the past, RJD chief Lalu Prasad was instrumental in giving them voice, self-respect and pride.

These voters attached a different meaning to development from their own dictionary. This verdict is also a complete rejection of the divisive style of politics, experimented with by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), not a rejection of the work done by the central government. more

8.11.15

Along with BJP, national news channels also get it wrong

Shailaja Bajpai / IE
All those watching TV would have been highly amused by how quickly panelists changed their tune: having discussed reasons for BJP’s victory, they now had to give reasons for its defeat. Sometimes, they used the same arguments: it was Modi’s agenda for development that was giving BJP a win: no, no, it is Nitish’s development work that has worked wonders for him! 

So what happened in hour that turned victory into defeat and vice versa? 

On NDTV 24×7, Prannoy Roy said it had never happened before- there was a very fundamental error. Chaubey boasted that unlike the other channels, CNN-IBN had conducted its own counting on the ground along with ETV—which is why they got it right. Yogendra Yadav jokingly said, it was ‘the triumph of the locals over the national’ (NDTV 24×7)—and he seemed to be right. Most national news channels go by figures put out by Nielsen while the regional channels went by the reports of their people at the counting centres. more

A reporter’s diary on why Modi lost

Shivam Vij / qz
It can easily be said that the Bihar results are a reflection on Modi’s government in New Delhi, because Modi himself campaigned extensively in Bihar, telling voters about his achievements as prime minister so far. He spoke, for instance, of signing up hydropower projects with neighbouring Nepal and Bhutan, which would bring electricity to Bihar. He also spoke of the Jan Dhan Yojana, an effort at banking inclusion, which has so far given bank accounts to 190 million citizens for the first time.

However, poor voters complained that they had queued to sign up for the bank accounts under the impression that they would get money from the Modi government into those accounts. The impression was fed further by the opposition parties, who went around Bihar showing voters a video of Modi from the 2014 campaign. In the video, Modi was seen telling voters that they could get Rs15 lakh ($22,700) each if he managed to bring back India’s black money stashed abroad.

It is important to consider the points voters across Bihar have told me. For the next few days, there will be a lot of commentary on the Bihar results, on the arithmetic of caste and religion, on personality clashes and vote share percentages, but most will miss the voice of the electorate. more

Bihar results: Caste, IOUs and Narendra Modi

Was it the development that Nitish Kumar did in Bihar or was it the simple caste arithmetic of him tying up with Lalu Prasad – the Index of Opposition Unity (IOU) – that sealed the BJP’s fate? The debate can go on till kingdom come, but Lalu Prasad’s RJD doing better than Nitish Kumar’s JDU suggests caste politics is alive and kicking more

How pollsters and TV channels were clueless

Rohan Venkataramakrishnan / scroll
Never before in the history of post-Independence India has anything like this every happened, said Dr Prannoy Roy of NDTV this morning, covering the announcement that the Nitish Kumar-Lalu Prasad Yadav combine was leading in the Bihar assembly election results. But Roy's never-before comment didn't have anything to do with the achievement that Kumar and Yadav had pulled off. Instead, it had much more to do with NDTV's own response to the results.

That's because, not even an hour into counting of votes from electronic voting machines, NDTV said it had prepared a projection. That's right, as early as 9 am, the channel known for straightforward, accurate election reporting called the Bihar assembly election in favour of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The network's Hindi channel, NDTV India,  even used the world "landslide" to describe the BJP's win. An hour later, it was clear that NDTV had gotten it completely wrong. more

Today's Chanakya Apologises

Rituparna Chatterjee / Huffpo
Today's Chanakya, a public opinion polling company, on Sunday apologised for wrongly predicting the Bihar election results. Chanakya created quite a stir when they predicted 155 seats for NDA against 83 for the grand alliance of RJD and JD(U) even as all major exit polls either foretold a neck and neck fight between the two or gave the alliance a slight edge. more

Takeaways From the Bihar Election Results

Niharika Mandhana / WSJ
Modi Wave May Have Crested
In last year’s national elections, Mr. Modi overcame caste and class divisions – and trumped powerful regional parties – to win broad support for his promises of development. He made a similar pitch this year in Bihar – saying he would bring progress to one of India’s poorest states – in more than 30 public rallies.

His defeat by a wide margin shows that the aura of invincibility around the prime minister is fading and it has cast a shadow over the BJP’s plans to expand its footprint beyond its traditional strongholds. The party faces a series of state elections in the next two years, including in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, in 2017.

Modi’s One-Man-Show Doesn’t Always Work
In all the state elections since Mr. Modi came to power, he has been his party’s chief campaigner. In most of them, the BJP has not declared a chief ministerial candidate during the campaign. The strategy appears to have failed in Bihar, where Mr. Modi’s development plank faced competition from Nitish Kumar’s reputation as Bihar’s “Development Man.”

Analysts say Mr. Modi needs to encourage a second-rung leadership to develop in the BJP rather than centralize power and influence. “Otherwise when the overflowing euphoria gets juiced out, like it has in Bihar, the party will have nothing else to rely on,” said Dipankar Gupta, an Indian sociologist and professor at India’s Shiv Nadar University. more

As RSS Feared, Amit Shah Lost Bihar For BJP

Rana Ayyub / ndtv
As they say, ask a child in Bihar his caste and he will tell you the difference of caste between him and his closest friend. Shah tried to win the caste formula in Bihar by adding to the mix Chief Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi, a Mahadalit and Ramvilas Paswan. But he made the PM the face of the election campaign despite suggestions from senior leaders in Bihar including Shatrughan Sinha and Kirti Azad to consolidate local forces.

The PM, without any pretence of diplomacy, auctioned financial packages in his rallies for Bihar and targeted infamously the DNA of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. It is from here that the BJP started to make a steady decline in the state. The campaign, which started on the development plank, gave way to the worst possible personal barbs about Mahagathbandhan leaders.

The last straw in the decline of its fortunes came when Mohan Bhagwat gave his controversial statement on reservations, asking the BJP not to ignore the aspirations of the upper class. Then the BJP's Union Minister VK Singh appeared to compare the murder of two Dalit children to a dog being killed. more

Defeat no surprise for the BJP

Mohua Chatterjee / ToI
The BJP's defeat was probably not a complete surprise for the ruling party at the Centre, despite voices within the party getting stronger about their prospective win after at least two exit polls reflected a clear victory for the NDA combine.

It is another matter that the massive margin of defeat handed down by a resurgent Grand Alliance was beyond calculation, BJP leaders admitted almost candidly by noontime, when the picture was clear. more

Meet the man who helped Nitish win Bihar

First, he spread a master plan for BJP's election campaign during the Lok Sabha elections in 2014 that scored Narendra Modi the Prime Minister's seat. Then, the same man joined hands with Nitish Kumar this year for the Bihar Elections, helping the Grand Alliance sweep the Assembly Elections with a clear majority. 

Prashant Kishor, 37, who hails from Buxar in Bihar, came out to support Nitish earlier in May this year, calling him one of the most credible politicians who had improved Bihar on many fronts. more

Nitish : Bihar’s Chanakya-turned-Chandragupta

Nitish Kumar, often referred to as Chanakya of Bihar politics, lived up to the moniker when he surprisingly joined hands with arch rival RJD boss Lalu Prasad to script a third consecutive term for himself as Chief Minister after being bruised and bloodied in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls.

Following the age-old proverb enemy’s enemy is a friend, the 64-year-old JD(U) leader whose party won just two of the State’s 40 seats in the Lok Sabha poll, a development that impelled him to step down and hand over the reins to Jitan Ram Manjhi, joined hands with Mr. Prasad to halt bete noire Narendra Modi’s juggernaut in Bihar. more

6.11.15

Exit polls overestimate odds of a close election

Karthik Shashidhar / mint
As Election Metrics has mentioned several times in the past, there are two important steps to forecasting the outcome of elections in India. The first step is to determine the vote shares of different parties, which is usually done using a randomly sampled survey. The next step is to convert the thus obtained vote shares into seats, which is a rather complicated process given India’s first-past-the-post election system.

The problem with a massive realignment of alliances is that pollsters are deprived of a “prior model” in order to convert the vote share predictions to seats. In the absence of such a model, most pollsters have simply extrapolated from the vote share predictions to forecast seat distributions. And such extrapolation continues after the exit polls also. more

Bihar Polls Is Going to Be Important

Rishi Iyengar / Time
Running for a third consecutive term in Bihar, Nitish is hugely popular for engineering an economic turnaround and making it India’s fastest-growing state last year — not unlike the rapid development Modi is credited with bringing about during his four terms as leader of the western state of Gujarat.

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Kumar’s return as chief minister could pave the way for his potential bid to become the South Asian nation’s leader when Modi’s current term concludes in 2019, while a defeat would almost certainly dash his further ambitions and provide a crucial fillip to Modi’s slowing rise. more

What exit polls do not predict about Bihar

Suryakiran Tiwari and Subhash Chandra / daily O
If we take the lower and higher end of the ranges for both alliances across six polls, we get a number that makes no sense. The NDA is expected to draw 93-155 seats, while the MGB is set to get 83-132, according to the exit polls. While Today's Chanakya predicts an outright victory for NDA with 155 seats, the India Today-Cicero one says NDA will emerge as the largest alliance with 120 seats. C-Voter and News Nation, on the other hand, give a simple majority (122 seats) to MGB, while AC Nielsen and CNX give them 130 and 132 respectively.

An average of the polls (poll of polls) shows a marginally-hung Assembly with MGB slated to emerge as the largest alliance with 118 seats and NDA just behind at 117 seats.

In terms of vote share, the average of the polls show no difference between MGB and NDA at 42 per cent. While News Nation expects 46 per cent vote share for MGB, Today's Chanakya projects 46 per cent for NDA. "Others", who have historically been an important component of Bihar politics, also expected to register a 16-17 per cent vote share. more

Will Modi’s Bihar Loss Derail India?

Shuli Ren / Baron's Asia
It is still a close call, but exit polls seem to suggest Modi’s coalition may lose this battle. 4 exit polls have favored the opposition Grand Alliance while only 2 prefer the BJP coalition. The Modi government has already stepped back and said Bihar’s local election was not a referendum on the prime minister.

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The market may perceive Modi’s Bihar loss very negatively. Investors were hoping that a Bihar win could provide Modi with the political mandate to pass the long-delayed Goods and Services Tax Bill.

India is definitely losing some of its shine. Last week, foreigners net sold Indian stocks again. But year-to-date, India still received $4.3 billion net foreign portfolio inflow, a close second to Taiwan, which has seen a lot of money going in lately to play the Taiwan presidential election. more

5.11.15

Bihar forecast: 175 for JDU+, 60 for NDA

Surjit S Bhalla / IE
Here comes the forecast: First, the caveats, no information except historical analysis and a visit to Bihar. Both (data and visit) indicate that the people of Bihar seem to be happy with Nitish on at least three counts: The building of roads, electrification of villages, and enhancement and encouragement of gender equality (free bicycles for girls entering high school etc). But good governance is in short supply on the NDA side these days. 

All things considered, the NDA should find it difficult to top 80 seats with a reasonable probability of obtaining seats in the 50-70 range. If forced to make a point estimate, I would say 175 seats for the JDU+ and 60 seats for the NDA. more

The Shameful Reality Of The Elections In Bihar

Nandan Sharalaya and Shruti Kedia / HuffPo
As India struggles to come to terms with the economics of politics, it is now widely acknowledged that election expenditure (Vidhan Sabha) cannot be limited to a paltry Rs 28 lakhs. Stipulated with the good intention of making elections accessible to people of modest means, the low limits ignore the numerous expenses associated with election campaigns. As a result, election expenditure limits have driven campaign spending underground and have forced candidates to under-declare expenses. This ensures that only tainted candidates with illegal money and the networks and capacity to spend it can possibly thrive under such distorted conditions. more

4.11.15

Win or lose Bihar, Modi story is almost over

Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay  / dailyO
Regardless of the Bihar verdict, the Modi story, as it was anticipated, is facing a danger of nearing its end. Win or lose, the square in which Modi has boxed himself into, will have the so-called fringe forces as his fellow dwellers. The logic behind this is simple - a victory in Bihar will be greatly due to the "background noise" that has been created all over the country by both supporters and detractors. more

The result of Bihar results

TK Arun / ET
Contrary to expectations, the BJP losing in Bihar will not mean a setback for governance at the Centre. In fact, if the Opposition suffers a loss in Bihar, it could turn more obstreperous at the Centre and make progress on the government’s legislative agenda ever more difficult.

There are just two possible outcomes in Bihar. Either the BJP-led alliance wins or it loses. Consider first the eventuality that a survey by this newspaper of capital market participants found more likely, of a BJP defeat in Bihar.

It would definitely mean some loss of face for the PM, who has led the BJP campaign without nominating a local leader as the chief ministerial candidate. more

Leadership ratings: the biggest clue to Bihar results?

Suryakiran Tiwari / HT
While most of the opinion polls say the NDA will emerge victorious (in-fact only two, Cicero and CNN IBN put the Grand Alliance on top), all of them consistently show that Kumar is the top choice for the chief minister’s post among voters. The NDA’s unnamed CM candidate comes up with a share which is much lower than the predicted NDA share. This contradiction is unusual and could play a crucial role in determining the outcome.

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We considered a small sample of recent elections (for which full data was available) and noticed an interesting trend. In all the cases, the gap between leadership ratings and vote share/ intention to vote ratings was quite small. In fact in the National Election study by CSDS during the Lok Sabha election, the preference for Modi was 35.7%, and the NDA vote share was 38.5%. In 2009, the combined rating of UPA leaders was 39.7% against a vote share of 36.5%. more

3.11.15

The 'What Ifs' of Bihar Polls 2015

Santwana Bhattacharya / Sunday Standard
Tight hai,” is what the locals tell you, fairly ubiquitously, across village, dusty qasba and city. It’s like a bloody-minded sporting encounter that has already seen fortunes in flux, and shifting as we speak, except the consequences will be far wider than in the make-believe combat of sport. more

Bihar polls show Modi's shifting goalposts

Arun Srivastava / Kashmir Times
Modi had descended in Bihar with the tag of Vikash Purush but within a week he put a new face of OBC PM and just before the fourth phase of the polling he has embellished himself with the EBC PM. Like a versatile actor he has been living different characters on different occasions with the sole aim of enticing the voters. more

BJP has ensured the death of electoral reforms

Anshuman Tiwari / dailyO
No matter who wins the Bihar battle or what conclusions one may derive post the election, one thing is sure that the country has embarked upon the age of its worst electoral politics. India’s ruling and largest political party has not only missed a major opportunity to commence electoral reforms, but has also left no stone unturned to authenticate corrupt electoral practices. One shouldn’t wonder if candidates with criminal background go berserk during the Bengal Assembly polls next year.

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BJP was supposed to lead this reform after coming to power, but the party conveniently disregarded electoral reforms and went on promising scooters, houses, petrol and land in exchange of votes in Bihar. more

Why predicting Bihar verdict is difficult

Mayank Mishra / BS
Even at the risk of going wrong, I will still talk about some of the broad trends that I observed. My interaction with a range of people in as many as 10 districts of the state has convinced me that there is no fence sitter this time who is going to be swayed this way or that way through last minute campaigning. People have, by and large, made up their mind and they are voting according to their conviction. Higher voter turnout in the first four phases is perhaps an indication of that.

Another visible trend is that Nitish Kumar has retained most of his popularity despite 10 years of incumbency. Even those who said they won’t vote for him did acknowledge that the Nitish Kumar regime has been very good for Bihar. What is more, supporters of Lalu Prasad have begun to take pride in the leadership of Nitish Kumar. Whether the goodwill translates into votes is very difficult to guess though.

And my third observation is that only three leaders—Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad—have occupied mind space in Bihar. They are the ones who are part of most conversation and others are seldom discussed. The outcome therefore will be a reflection of who has occupied the maximum space. more

1.11.15

Caste-plus-Nitish versus religion-Plus-Modi contest

Praveen S Thampi / ET
Bihar wants to break out from the cycle of poverty and migration. But our politicians are instead offering it more caste and religion. A spirited poll campaign that began as a debate on two types of development models has fast degenerated into a smearcampaign on reservation and Pakistan. 

A decade of JDU-BJP rule under Nitish Kumar has brought Bihar back from the brink and it is poised for the next leap. But the estranged partners, in their quest for easy power, have resorted to the lowest denominators. One wants to vote your caste while the other has stooped a few levels below assuming a blatantly communalist posture. Hopefully, Bihar will rise above such short-sighted politics. more

Voters have a difficult choice in Bihar

John Elliott / Independent
The voters of Bihar, India’s poorest state, have a difficult choice deciding who to vote for in current assembly elections if they put aside their usual caste and religion-based preferences and go for the party that will be best for development.

They can choose a mahagathbandhan (grand alliance) headed by Nitish Kumar (below), chief minister for the past ten years, who has transformed many aspects of daily life in what was a mafia-ridden basket-case society. Or they can choose Narendra Modi, India’s prime minister, who has dominated the BJP’s election campaign but has not announced the name of the regional politician he would anoint as chief minister.

This suggests that the voters’ safest choice is Kumar, the capable leader they know, who can be expected to expand the road, bridges, electric power and other government-funded infrastructure developments that have been built, along with improved basic education and law and order. more

A heartland-rending tussle

Shekhar Gupta / BS
Mandal's children are the key players in this Bihar election, and their victory - and that of caste politics - lies in the fact that even their challengers, the Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have to also speak the same language. On the secular/communal issue, Narendra Modi still persists with his original "who is the enemy you want to fight, the other religion or poverty" line. But he is now repeatedly reminding voters of his humble caste origins. His partymen, including the senior-most state leader Sushil Modi, hail him as a leader from "Extremely Backward Castes", or EBCs.

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The RSS's objective is an old one: to unite with faith what caste divided. The children of Mandal are not atheists or iconoclasts like the DMK of the past. But they want to use caste to dismantle political hierarchies it created in the first place. That is why backward/lower-caste politics is such anathema to the RSS. But Narendra Modi and Amit Shah know their politics. That is why the alarmed switch to reservations, and raising the threat from "vote bank" politics.

I shall risk saying that caste is winning in this tussle with faith, in spite of the fact that the BJP now has power at the Centre with a full majority, rules more states than it ever has in India's history and its main rival, the Congress, lies decimated and in terminal decline. But its prime minister belongs to an EBC and finds it important to keep underlining that, with pride. more

For Nitish, rural electrification can be a winner

SA Aiyar / ToI
Forget caste arithmetic. Economic development gave Nitish Kumar his Bihar election victories in 2005 and 2010. He looks set to win a third victory based on development, the trump card this time being rural electricity. more

A tussle between identity and aspiration

Vinod Sharma / HT
Never mind the constant that is caste. But there’s a huge gap between what the people want and what the netas talk in Bihar.

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The popular quest for a quality life finds tangible expression in political chats at tea-vends and kiosks lining rural markets. Talk to the youth and they want jobs, women want empowerment and education, the depressed classes social justice and the minorities safety and equity in opportunities.

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From voices on the ground, it seemed that Nitish is able to negate the downsides of aligning with Lalu on the strength of his work in the power sector and the network of roads he has built. His campaign is a counter to Modi’s; the RJD chief ’s rustic match to Amit Shah.
Much maligned though he is by the BJP, Lalu’s force-multiplication of Nitish is there to be seen in the alliance’s social aggregation. more

The irrelevance of Bihar

Meghnad Desai / IE
Despite much ballyhoo, the outcome of the Bihar election is unlikely to change Indian politics much either way. If the NDA coalition wins, the Rajya Sabha arithmetic will still be unfavourable for the government. It will have to learn how to build a consensus in Parliament if it wants its business done. Majority in the Lok Sabha is neither necessary nor sufficient to govern India. What any government has to do is to build a coalition around a programme everyone can agree on.

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If the RJD/JD(U) coalition wins, it would still not provide a viable national opposition to the BJP. The vacuum left by the shrinkage of the Congress in the Lok Sabha remains. As the junior partner, the Congress’s problem is the Lok Sabha even if it manages to break the duck in Bihar. It has to get out of the hurt feeling at having been rejected by the electorate and find a way of behaving like an opposition, not just for this but several more Parliaments. Rahul will have to rebuild the party, which has collapsed all across India. Stalking Modi is not enough. more

31.10.15

Bookies give Grand Alliance an edge

Raghav Ohri / ET
After the first two phases of Bihar polls, the satta market gave the Nitish-Lalu alliance 145 seats. But after the third phase, the satta market reckoned BJP has recovered some ground but not enough and it scaled down the alliance's seats to below 130, but still giving it a majority, albeit a narrow one. more

The quota numbers don’t add up

Saba Naqvi / ET
Prime Minister Narendra Modi must be anxious about his party’s performance in the Bihar assembly elections to have made the remark that that there was a plan afoot to snatch away quotas and give it to “another community”, which one presumes means the Muslim community. more

Nitish and Lalu Set their Sights on a National Front

MK Venu / Wire
It appears that a critical mass of the Bihar electorate wants to reward Nitish Kumar for the good work he has done over the past several years. Everyone this writer spoke to in the parts of Bihar going to the polls in the third and fourth phase had only good word to say about the chief minister. This, indeed, is what makes it difficult for the BJP to attack Nitish on the development agenda. Even Narendra Modi characterises Nitish’s regime as marked by 10 years of arrogance, but cannot publicly attack him on the plank of development.
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It would not be an exaggeration to say that there is an authentic Nitish wave in the central-northern parts of Bihar. No wonder, the BJP is very worried about the general sentiment generated during the first three phases of polling. The party’s anxiety is reflected in the manner in which it is bringing issues like India’s “adversarial relations” with Pakistan and China into the campaign for the last few phases of the election.
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Bihar is not turning out the way BJP had anticipated. A conversation with Lalu Prasad and Nitish Kumar suggests that both are looking at creating a new politics against the “Delhi establishment”. more

EC bans controversial BJP ads in Bihar

In a strongly-worded advisory to chief electoral officer of Bihar Ajay Naik, the commission has asked him to ensure that the two advertisements are not published in any newspaper or journal from tomorrow onwards till the election process is over.

One of the advertisements alleges that RJD supremo Lalu Prasad and JD (U) leader Nitish Kumar are "snatching the plate of dalits" by planning to transfer the quota meant for dalits and EBCs to minorities. Another advertisement deals with 'vote ki kheti' or vote-bank politics. It claimed that RJD, JDU and Congress leaders are "giving sanctuary" to terrorists to appease a particular community for votes. more

Decoding Amit Shah’s ‘Pakistan crackers’ statement

Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay / ABP News
Addressing a rally in poll-bound Bihar, the Bharatiya Janata Party president, Amit Shah, has said that if his party loses in the state by mistake, then though victory or defeat will be in Bihar, crackers will be burst in Pakistan. There are two components to his rather unnecessary assertion. Firstly, he uses the word ‘mistake’. This presupposes the divine right of the BJP to win the ongoing poll and makes rather arrogant comments on the electorate by labelling their decision as ‘wrong’. The basic tenet of a democracy is that political leaders must respect the people’s mandate even if it is against them. Voters, if they reject any party, cannot be accused by it of not having the ability to make the correct decision. Moreover, they also cannot be accused of being guided by extraneous factors while making up their choice.

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One can understand the growing desperation among BJP leaders as the fear of the party not doing too well mounts. The way the campaign had panned out so far, the BJP’s biggest hope now lies in polarising the electorate on every possible line. So why not try out the old strategy and liken the adversary within to the enemy outside? Very rarely has a campaign by a party ruling at the Centre that began by talking about development gone so astray! more

30.10.15

Mauka for the Bihar Voter

Indrajit Hazra / ET
Amit Shah has made a cracking attempt to turn the Bihar elections into a patriotism test. According to the venerable BJP president, if the party loses the polls “by mistake” – making a loss sound like walking into the ladies’ loo – crackers will be burst in Pakistan in riotous celebration. Perhaps, in South Waziristan, upon hearing the news of the victory of the Nitish Kumar-Lalu Yadav jirga, men will take out their Kalashnikovs and start firing them into the air from their rooftops – knocking out a few Pakistani-American drones in the process.

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The question now before many Nitish-Lalu supporters before they vote in the last two remaining phases of polling in Bihar is: So shall we move to Pakistan to celebrate a possible Mahagathbandhan victory? Or can we jolly well blow up a ton-load of pataake to celebrate right here in Bihar-India? Who knows? On November 8, they may get a mauka, mauka to test this fascinating Amit Shah-Devakanta Barua-Giriraj Singh theory of patriotism. more

Angry With Nitish But Plans to Vote for His Alliance

Javed Iqbal / Wire
Bhajanpuri’s residents are still upset over the police firing that took four lives in 2011 but say they will do what it takes to defeat the BJP. more

29.10.15

BJP enlists Modi's bete noire Sanjay Joshi for Bihar

Dinesh Narayanan / ET
The Bihar assembly elections have turned out to be such a tough fight for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that it's bringing two arch rivals to work together. Former general secretary Sanjay Joshi, who was forced out of the BJP leadership team reportedly by Narendra Modi, is being roped in to assist the the party charge in the final phase of the state polls.
One source said the move was initiated at the behest of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. more

Nitish-Lalu alliance is on a much stronger wicket

Avijit Ghosh / ToI
Travelling through Buxar, Bhojpur, Patna and Nalanda districts, one realises that Nitish continues to enjoy positive ratings. There are no allegations of corruption or ineptitude against him – a singular virtue in a state riddled with graft. Even upper caste voters, aligned on the other side, admit that he is a good administrator.

Masterful image management has also ensured that Nitish is not being seen as ideologically compromised, despite his long association and bitter parting with BJP and his miraculous rediscovery of secular politics. He even seems to have pulled off pitching himself as Bihar’s best bet for development while joining hands with Lalu Prasad, certainly not the best face to share on billboards promising progress. more

Nitish has the edge

Bhupendra Chaubey, the national affairs editor of CNN-IBN, says the Saffron combine has been hit by a jam of sorts. The BJP poll strategists feel the first three phases haven't gone down well for them, though it now hopes to uplift itself for the remaining leg of the polls, he says. The BJP had thought that the Yadavs will vote in favour of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But the muslims as well as the Yadavs are more inclined towards Lalu Prasad Yadav. more

28.10.15

The beginning of the decline of ‘Modi wave’?

Praveen Rai / CSDS for Reuters
It is important to understand the mood of the electorate and why the verdict seems to be tilting towards the Nitish-Lalu alliance. The NDA seems to be on a sticky wicket due to the following reasons:

1) The BJP’s negative campaign seems to be boomeranged, creating a sympathy wave for the Nitish-Lalu alliance.

2) The BJP’s failure in implementing promises it made at the centre, like getting back black money from foreign countries, controlling price rise and addressing the agrarian crisis.

3) The election has been turned into an ‘outsiders’ versus ‘locals’ contest, which is working against the NDA alliance.

4) Finally, rising intolerance and the recent spate of communal incidents across the country involving saffron groups and the stone-age diktats issued by BJP ministers have not gone down well with the people of the country. These incidents will certainly have a backlash in the Bihar election. more

The Importance of Nitish Kumar

Mani Shankar Aiyar / ndtv
As the Mahagathbandhan (the Great Alliance) rounds into the last lap of the Bihar Marathon, Nitish Kumar has given an interview to The Economic Times that tellingly delineates the emerging architecture of Opposition politics at the national level and, therefore deserves wider consideration than it has perhaps received.

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Nitish observes, "Sarkar bana lena saral hai, desh chalana mushkil (It is easy to form the government, difficult to govern the country)". 500 days of slogan-mongering by the Modi government have shown that alliteration, acronyms and jumlas are not enough; there has to be delivery. But where there has been assiduous image-building, there has been little effective governance. Old schemes have been renamed and trotted out as new, but there is a complete want of imagination in giving substance to the Modi brand. more

BJP may quash dissidence after Bihar polls

Gyan Varma / mint
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may not be able to move against Arun Shourie for his sharp criticism of the Union government since he is no longer a member of the party, but others may not be so safe. The party is contemplating taking disciplinary action against some leaders who have been making out-of-turn statements. more

27.10.15

2 Bad Phases on, BJP Raises Guard

Ajay Kumar and Pratul Sharma / nIE
Advertisements underwent a change midway. The initial campaign was focused on hard-selling the PM’s `1.25 lakh crore package on big ticket infrastructural projects. The new advertisement campaign had basic issues like providing electricity, employment and security for women, apart from questioning Nitish on his governance record. “People were more enthused when BJP promised laptops, scooties and colour TVs rather than the `1.25 lakh crore package,” a BJP insider said.

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Analysts feel that by leaving 23 seats for Upendra Kushwaha’s Rashtriya Lok Samata Party, BJP seems to have committed a blunder. RLSP has been highly overrated. The Koeris, on whose vote-bank RLSP was surviving, have almost deserted it and joined forces with Yadavs and Kurmis in voting for the ‘Grand Alliance’. Leaving 40 seats for LJP and 23 to RLSP was, according to political observers, a huge miscalculation. The absence of BJP’s chief ministerial face is also proving to be costly. more

How Did BJP Let Its Caste Strategy Go So Awry?

Shivam Vij / HuffPo
First they said they have an OBC-EBC strategy. Then they gave away a large number of tickets to upper castes. The they said their chief minister will be from amongst the backward castes. Now Amit Shah says it could be from upper castes or backwards, we’ll decide after the elections.

The BJP’s shifting, confused, botched up caste strategy in Bihar can best be described with the Hindi proverb, Dhobi ka kutta, na ghar ka na ghat ka. By now the party finds itself between a rock and a hard place, sending mixed signals and confusing all voters. more

BJP victory would be necessary but not sufficient

Sanjaya Baru / ET
Rarely have the prospects for economic growth and development in India hinged so much on the politics of the state of Bihar. A victory for the BJP in Patna, many hope, will stabilise the government in New Delhi and embolden it to take policy initiatives with the long term in view. A defeat could, some fear and some hope, destabilise the government of Narendra Modi. That could encourage populism and short-termism in policy, or worse.

While a hung assembly may not alter existing power equations across the country, a decisive victory for the Nitish Kumar-Lalu Yadav combine could set in motion a new political dynamic. If, as a result of such an outcome, Prime Minister Modi and the BJP decide to focus all their attention on the next set of assembly elections, then economic policymaking could go off their radar.

On the other hand, if the prime minister decides that he has only three years to regain ground and get reelected (in 2019), he may choose to ignore the Bihar defeat and focus all energy and attention on better governance and national development. In short, the national policy implications of a BJP defeat in Bihar could be positive or negative depending on the prime minister’s response and strategy going forward. more

Mr Prime Minister, please do not peddle lies

Supriya Sharma / scroll
Even the high office of the Prime Minister cannot contain the divisive instincts of Narendra Modi. On Monday, addressing an election rally in Buxar in Bihar, he spoke of a “conspiracy” by his opponents to snatch away a part of the reservation benefits from Dalits and Backward groups in the state to give to “another community.” He said: “Five percent from the Dalits, five percent from Mahadalits, 5% from Backwards, 5% from Extremely Backwards. There is a conspiracy to take away from their quota to give to another community.”

The community was not named but it was lost on no one that Modi was targeting Muslims. With the Bharatiya Janata Party fearing a loss of votes from Dalit and Backward communities on account of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat’s comments asking for a review of reservations in educational institutions and jobs, Modi was doing what he knows best – deflect blame to Muslims.

That no such reservation promise has been made by the grand alliance of Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad Yadav, either in their party manifestos or in their poll campaign, made little difference. To serve his aim of polarising votes along religious lines, Modi dredged up a stillborn idea mooted in 2012 by the United Progressive Alliance government which said it would carve out a sub-quota of 4.5% for Muslims within the 27% OBC quota. If the UPA had mislead Muslims – the Supreme Court had put on hold a similar provision in Andhra Pradesh and is yet to decide on the constitutional validity of religion-based reservations – Modi was multiplying the lie. Notice how he masterfully – and maliciously – converted 5% into 20% by claiming 5% would be taken from four different categories. more

26.10.15

Caste and religion cloud growth agenda

Victor Mallet / FT
For many of Bihar’s 110m inhabitants, the main goal in life is to leave their homeland as soon as possible — to study or find work, however menial. 

Biharis toil on construction sites from Kashmir to Tamil Nadu and as far away as the Gulf. “Mostly people from here have to migrate to other states to get jobs,” sighs Parimal Paritosh, 20, who moved to Punjab to study engineering and has come home for the funeral rites of his grandmother on the banks of the River Ganges.

Yet this month politicians from Prime Minister Narendra Modi downwards have been flocking to the landlocked north Indian state — a byword for poverty, despair and overcrowding — to court its people. It is election time in Bihar, and it is a pivotal state. Bihar’s population — if it were a country it would be the world’s 12th-largest, just behind Mexico — makes victory in the state election a crucial prize for Indian parties. 

If Mr Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata party ousts the current chief minister Nitish Kumar when results are announced on November 8, it would eventually help the BJP wrest control of the national parliament’s upper house from the opposition, which has blocked key economic reforms such as a planned goods and services tax. 

The BJP can count on its traditional support from the Hindu upper-caste minority. “I come from a forward caste and the only party that seems to support my ideology is the BJP,” says Mr Paritosh. But Mr Modi hopes his charisma and the promise of jobs and development, which swept him to power in last year’s general election, will lure the middle and lower castes into the BJP fold as well.

In fact, Bihari voters complain, election promises of development and handouts for the poor have been overshadowed by frenzied “vote-bank politics”, with politicians trying to win over different caste groups and pro-BJP activists seeking Hindu votes by demonising Muslims as beef-eating slaughterers of sacred cows.

“Nobody’s talking about education, health, employment or real development,” says RK Sinha, head of the zoology department at Patna University. “Everybody’s talking rubbish — caste and beef.” As for education, he echoes Mr Paritosh. “Almost 90-100 per cent who have the means, who can sell land or jewellery, they send their children out of Bihar.”

Mr Kumar, the Bihar chief minister who has a reputation for having boosted the local economy by tackling gangsters, building roads and promoting girls’ education after he took office a decade ago, seems re-energised by the first two of the five rounds of voting and rumours of a strong performance by his Janata Dal (United) party and its allies.

At a rally in Punpun near Patna this week, he mocked Mr Modi as an outsider unable even to stop recent caste violence in his native Gujarat or the gang-rape of babies and children in Delhi. “All these [BJP] people are flying around Bihar like paratroopers,” he told the crowd. “Bihar would be run by baharis [outsiders], not Biharis.”

Mr Kumar was once an ally of the BJP, and if he had stayed loyal his record and the BJP’s backing would probably have ensured an easy re-election. But he detests what he sees as Mr Modi’s communal, anti-Muslim leanings and has been forced into a new and uneasy alliance with his old enemy Lalu Prasad Yadav, the third force in this election.

Mr Yadav, a joke-cracking populist who this week called Mr Modi and his chief adviser “demons”, was Mr Kumar’s predecessor as chief minister and presided over an administration known as the “jungle raj” that was notorious for tolerating violent crime and bribery. 

He cannot even be a candidate in the election because he was convicted of corruption in a cattle-feed scandal dating back to the 1990s, but the ability of his Rashtriya Janata Dal (National People’s party) to secure votes is essential for Mr Kumar’s survival.

Manoj Jha, a university professor and spokesman for Mr Yadav’s party, says the main election issues are caste, high inflation and the perception that the BJP is running “a government of the rich”. Bihar voters, he says, will judge whether Mr Modi has ruled or misruled in his 18 months in power in New Delhi. “This is an election for the assembly of Bihar, but interestingly and not without reason it has become almost a national election,” says Mr Jha.

The electoral arithmetic is too complicated and polls too unreliable to know who will win, but a BJP victory next month would probably give new impetus to Mr Modi’s national government, just as a defeat could sap its confidence and deepen its difficulties with economic reform.

Meanwhile, Biharis themselves, at least those who have not left, wait patiently for salvation from desperate poverty — few villagers even have toilets, let alone refrigerators. “Once they get to power, they forget us,” says Sunita Devi, a lukewarm supporter of Mr Kumar after hearing his speech in Punpun. She says she earns just Rs1,000 ($15) a month as a school cook.

25.10.15

BjP has much at stake than the Mahagathbandhan

Arun Srivastava / mainstream
A key element in the BJP’s strategy has been to position Modi’s promise of “good gover-nance” against Laloo’s “jungle raj”, hoping that by doing so Nitish would recede into the background. But this has not happened, and Kumar has begun, according to RSS sources, to look like a dignified statesman: his choice of words and conduct have, they say, placed him above the fray. Even the BJP and Modi targeting Laloo as a “tainted” leader has not gone down well with his caste. The Yadavs interpret it as a move of the upper-caste leaders to malign him. Though in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections a sizeable chunk of young Yadavs voted for the BJP, this time the BJP’s big push has failed to dent the Yadav votebank. The community has consolidated around Laloo. 

The people from the backward castes also nurse the impression that the RSS and BJP have been using them to protect and promote the class interest of the upper-caste feudal lords. Their emphasis on Hindu was a part of this strategy. These people are also sceptical of the remarks of the RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat, on reservation. They are apprehen-sive that the Modi Government would end reservation based on castes. This has also caused panic among the EBCs, who are supposed to be close to the BJP. more